The Administration’s Approach to the People’s Republic of China

It’s an honor to be at George Washington University. This school brings together some of the brightest students and scholars from around the globe, and it's a place where the most pressing issues of our time are closely examined and debated. We’re truly grateful to be here.

A special thanks goes to our partners at the Asia Society. Their mission is to strengthen connections between Asia and the rest of the world, which helps promote peace, growth, freedom, equality, and sustainability. We appreciate them for hosting us today and for their leadership every day. Kevin Rudd, Wendy Cutler, and Danny Russel aren’t just respected colleagues and thinkers – they’re also people who take action, and it’s always great to be in their company.

Senator Romney, I’m especially thankful for your presence. You're a leader I deeply respect – someone who stands by strong values and has been out front on today’s key topic. Thank you for being here.

I’m also pleased to see so many representatives from the diplomatic community. Diplomacy remains the essential tool for shaping a better shared future.

Over the past two years, we’ve worked together to battle COVID-19, prepare for future health threats, recover from economic shocks, fix supply chain problems, manage debt challenges, address climate change, and rethink energy in cleaner, safer, and more affordable ways.

This is what ties these efforts together: no one can solve these challenges alone. We have to work together.

That’s why we’ve made diplomacy central again in U.S. foreign policy. It’s how we move toward a future that people in the U.S. and around the world want – one where technology uplifts, not oppresses; where trade creates good jobs and better incomes; where rights are respected; where countries are protected from threats and bullying; where people, goods, and ideas move freely; and where nations can both pursue their own goals and partner with others for standard progress.

To reach that kind of future, we must protect and improve the rules-based global system – a system of laws, deals, principles, and institutions built after two world wars to help countries work together, prevent conflict, and defend human rights.

The UN Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights are core to that system. They promote values like sovereignty, peaceful dispute resolution, and self-determination. These are not just Western ideas – they represent shared global hopes.

In the decades since, despite setbacks and the distance between our goals and results, this system has helped us avoid another world war and conflict between nuclear states. It supported economic growth that lifted billions out of poverty. It has driven progress on human rights.

Looking ahead, we want to protect what this system has achieved and modernize it to reflect today’s world and meet the challenges of our time – challenges that couldn’t have been imagined 70 years ago.

But this won’t happen automatically. The foundations of this system are under growing pressure.

One of the most urgent threats comes from Russian President Vladimir Putin. His invasion of Ukraine was not just an attack on that country – it was an attack on the UN Charter and the core principle that borders cannot be changed by force. That’s why so many countries have come together to stand against him. They know that their safety and sovereignty are on the line.

Ukraine continues to defend its freedom with incredible courage, supported by strong and united international aid. Though the war isn’t over, Putin has failed in all of his key goals. Ukraine is stronger, not weaker. NATO is more united, not divided. Russia’s global position has been hurt, not strengthened. And instead of tearing down the international system, he’s brought the world together to defend it.

Even as the war continues, we’re staying focused on the most significant long-term threat to the international order: the People's Republic of China.

China is the only country with the desire and the growing ability – military, economic, diplomatic, and technological – to reshape the global system. However, their version of the future drifts away from the shared values that have driven global progress for the past 75 years.

At the same time, China is central to the global economy and solving significant problems, like climate change and pandemics. Simply put, the U.S. and China will have to work together in the years ahead.

That’s why our relationship with China is one of the most complex and essential.

Over the past year, the Biden administration has implemented a detailed strategy that combines our strengths at home and the power of our alliances to build the future we want.

We’re not seeking conflict or a new Cold War. We want to avoid both.

We’re not trying to prevent China from becoming a major world power, growing its economy, or improving the lives of its people.

But we will stand up for the international rules, agreements, and institutions that protect peace, security, individual rights, and national independence – rules that let all countries, including China and the U.S., live and work together.

Today’s China differs significantly from the one President Nixon visited 50 years ago.

Back then, China was isolated and struggling with poverty and hunger.

Now, it’s a global power with immense influence and ambition. It’s the second-largest economy, home to cutting-edge cities and transport systems. It’s leading in major tech sectors and wants to dominate future industries. It’s upgrading its military and aims to become a top global force. It’s also looking to expand its influence across the Indo-Pacific and beyond.

This progress is thanks to the talent and determination of the Chinese people. However, it was also made possible by the stability of the global system. No country has gained more from this system than China.

Still, instead of helping strengthen the system that made its rise possible, China under President Xi is doing the opposite. The ruling Communist Party has grown more controlling at home and forceful abroad.

We see this in how China uses mass surveillance inside the country and exports the same tools to over 80 nations; how it makes illegal maritime claims in the South China Sea, threatening peace, trade, and open seas; how it skirts trade rules, hurting U.S. workers and businesses around the world; and how it says it supports sovereignty while backing countries that ignore it.

Even as Russia was preparing to invade Ukraine, President Xi and President Putin declared their relationship had “no limits.” Just this week, while President Biden visited Japan, China and Russia held joint bomber flights in the region.

China’s support for Putin’s invasion, which aims to erase Ukraine’s independence and create a Russian sphere of influence in Europe, should concern everyone, especially in the Indo-Pacific.

All of this makes this a critical time. And in times like these, diplomacy matters more than ever. It’s how we share serious concerns, understand different views, and avoid misunderstandings. We’re ready to expand direct communication with China on all key issues. We hope they will too.

But we won’t wait for China to change direction. We’ll help shape the world around it to support our goals for a free and open international system.

President Biden believes this decade will be a turning point. Our choices now – at home and with our allies – will decide whether we can achieve the future we all want.

To meet this moment, our strategy consists of three keywords: “invest, align, compete.”

We will invest in the core strengths that make the U.S. strong – our economy, our innovation, and our democracy.

We will coordinate closely with our allies and partners, working toward shared goals.

Using these two core strengths – our partnerships and our domestic capabilities – we’ll compete with China to protect our interests and shape a future we believe in.

We face this challenge with confidence. Our nation has many natural advantages. We have peaceful neighbors, a growing and diverse population, rich natural resources, the world’s primary reserve currency, the most capable military, and a strong culture of innovation and entrepreneurship – just look at how we developed multiple COVID-19 vaccines that save lives globally.

Our open, democratic society remains a major draw for talent and investment. Our ability to adapt and reinvent ourselves is rooted in that same democracy, and it helps us meet every challenge head-on.

First, let’s talk about investing in our strengths.

After World War II, while building the global system of rules with our partners, the U.S. government was also investing in science, education, infrastructure, and workforce development. That helped create millions of middle-class jobs and made us a leader in technology and economic growth. But over time, we stopped investing the way we used to. It’s time to get back to that.

The Biden administration is taking bold steps to rebuild the foundations of our national power, starting with a modern approach to industry that boosts our economy, strengthens our supply chains, and makes us more competitive.

Last year, President Biden signed into law the biggest infrastructure plan in our history. This plan updates roads, ports, airports, railways, and bridges; speeds up the movement of goods; increases productivity; expands internet access nationwide; and helps create new business and job opportunities across the U.S.

We’re also making smart investments in education and job training to ensure that American workers, who are second to none, can lead in the industries and technologies of tomorrow.

Since our strategy focuses heavily on technology, we’re putting money into research, advanced manufacturing, and innovation. Sixty years ago, the U.S. spent more than twice as much on research (as a share of the economy) than we do now, spending that sparked private innovation and helped us lead the world in areas like space exploration, semiconductors, and the internet. We used to rank first in the world in R&D spending by GDP share; now we’re ninth. China has jumped from eighth to second.

With bipartisan support in Congress, we will reverse that trend and make historic investments in cutting-edge fields like artificial intelligence, biotech, and quantum computing. China wants to lead in these areas – but with our advantages, we can win this race, not just in making new technologies, but also in shaping how they’re used – guided by democratic values, not authoritarian control.

Leaders like Senator Romney and others have helped the House and Senate pass legislation to support this effort, including significant funding to boost domestic semiconductor production and reinforce key supply chains. We need Congress to finalize the bill so the President can sign it.

We must act quickly – supply chains are already being redrawn, and if we don’t act now, they’ll settle elsewhere. As President Biden has pointed out, the Chinese Communist Party is actively lobbying against this bill because there’s no better way to boost our standing and influence than by strengthening our economy at home. These investments won’t just benefit the U.S. – they’ll also make us a more capable and reliable global partner.

One of America’s greatest assets has always been our ability to attract talented people worldwide. That includes thousands of Chinese students who have enriched our communities and built lasting ties with Americans. Even during the pandemic, we issued more than 100,000 student visas to Chinese nationals in just four months – a record high. We’re proud they chose to study here – and we’re better for it.

It’s also a significant win when that talent stays here. In recent years, over 80% of Chinese students earning science and tech Ph.D.s in the U.S. have remained in the country. They help fuel innovation, which benefits everyone. We can protect our national security without shutting ourselves off from the world.

History also shows that during tense times between governments, people from those countries, or those with that heritage, can be unfairly treated. That goes against everything this country stands for. Chinese Americans have made vital contributions to the U.S. for generations. Whether someone is a visiting scholar, a Chinese American, or any Asian American, they deserve the same respect and sense of belonging as anyone else. Hate and racism have no place in a country built by immigrants chasing the promise of equal opportunity.

We have serious disagreements with the Chinese Communist Party and the Chinese government, but those disagreements are with systems, not people. Americans deeply respect the Chinese people, their culture, accomplishments, and history. We value our family and friendship ties and sincerely hope our governments can cooperate on issues that matter to our nations and the rest of the world.

Another primary source of national strength we’re relying on this decade is our democracy.

A century ago, if someone asked what made a nation wealthy, they might say land, population, military strength, and natural resources. The U.S. is still fortunate in all those areas. But today, the true wealth of a country lies in its people and how well it taps into their full potential.

Democracy is how we do that. We argue, debate, and challenge each other. We confront our flaws openly – we don’t deny or hide them. Progress isn’t always fast or easy, but we keep working toward a society where everyone has a chance to succeed, based on values that unite and inspire us.

We’re not perfect. But as our Constitution puts it, we keep striving to form “a more perfect union.” That’s the strength of American democracy.

It’s what we bring – one of our most significant advantages in this global competition.

Beijing believes its system is better, more efficient, less chaotic, and ultimately stronger than democracy. We’re not trying to change China’s system. We aim to prove that democracy can solve problems, expand opportunity, and protect human dignity. The future belongs to those who believe in freedom, and every nation has the right to chart its course without outside pressure.

The second part of our strategy is working closely with our allies and partners to promote a shared future vision.

From day one, the Biden administration has focused on rebuilding and energizing America’s network of alliances and reengaging with international institutions. We’re encouraging allies to strengthen their ties and work through regional and global groups. We’re also forming new partnerships to deliver results and meet the challenges of this century.

This is especially true in the Indo-Pacific, where our treaty alliances are some of our strongest anywhere in the world.

People across the region share a vision with the United States: an open and free Indo-Pacific where rules are made fairly and applied equally; where nations are free to make their own choices; where goods, ideas, and people move easily across borders, skies, seas, cyberspace; and where governments serve their people.

This week, President Biden reinforced that vision during his visit to the region. He reaffirmed key security alliances with South Korea and Japan and expanded cooperation on economics and technology with both countries.

He also launched the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework for Prosperity – a first-of-its-kind initiative. As the President said, it will “help all our countries’ economies grow faster and fairer.” Known as IPEF, this framework reestablishes U.S. leadership in the region’s economy while updating it for today’s needs. It tackles digital trade, supply chains, clean energy, infrastructure, and anti-corruption. So far, 12 countries – including India – have joined. Together, they represent over a third of the world economy.

President Biden also joined the leaders’ summit of the Quad nations – Australia, Japan, India, and the United States. Before his presidency, the Quad had never met at the leader level. Since he brought the leaders together for the first time last year, the group has now held four summits. It’s become a central force in the region. This week, the Quad introduced the Indo-Pacific Partnership for Maritime Domain Awareness. This new effort helps regional partners better track activity in nearby waters, stop illegal fishing, and protect their maritime rights and sovereignty.

We’re also strengthening our ties with ASEAN. Earlier this month, we hosted the U.S.-ASEAN Summit to tackle key global challenges like health and climate change. This week, seven ASEAN members joined as founding participants in the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework. We’re also working more closely with our European and Indo-Pacific partners, such as inviting key Asian allies to the upcoming NATO summit in Madrid.

We’re taking steps to promote peace and security in the Indo-Pacific region. One example is AUKUS – a new security partnership between the U.S., the UK, and Australia.

We’re also continuing to help countries around the world respond to COVID-19. So far, the United States has contributed nearly $20 billion to global pandemic efforts. That includes over 540 million doses of safe and effective vaccines donated – never sold – with no strings attached. We aim to reach 1.2 billion doses worldwide. We also coordinate a global action plan with 19 countries to ensure vaccines are delivered and used.

Thanks to these efforts, we’re working more closely than ever with partners across the Indo-Pacific and are more united around shared priorities.

We’ve also deepened cooperation with our European allies. Last year, we created the U.S.-EU Trade and Technology Council, bringing together almost 50% of global GDP. Last week, I met with Secretary Raimondo, Ambassador Tai, and leaders from the European Commission for our second meeting. We’re working together on global tech standards, screening investments, coordinating export controls, strengthening supply chains, advancing green technologies, and expanding food security and digital infrastructure in developing nations.

We’ve also resolved a long-running dispute over aircraft manufacturing. After 17 years of trade fights, we’re focused on leveling the playing field for our industries and workers.

Likewise, we’ve worked with the EU and other partners to settle the disagreement over steel and aluminum. Now, we’re building agreement around strong climate standards and defending workers and industries from China’s efforts to tilt the market in its favor.

We’ve teamed up with the EU to protect data privacy while supporting a shared digital economy that depends on free and secure data flows.

Together with the G20, we reached a historic agreement on a global minimum tax. This deal ends the race to the bottom and ensures big companies pay their fair share, giving governments more resources to invest in their people. Over 130 countries have signed on.

With our G7 allies, we’re pushing for high-quality, transparent, and coordinated investment in global infrastructure, especially in developing countries.

We’ve held international summits focused on ending the pandemic and promoting democratic renewal. We’ve rejoined the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization.

At a time when global alliances are being tested, we’ve brought new energy to NATO. Today, it’s stronger than it’s been in years.

All these steps aim to protect – and when necessary, reform – the rules-based international system, which is designed to benefit all countries. We want to lead a new push for excellence in technology, climate solutions, infrastructure, health, and inclusive growth. And we want to support a system where more countries can work together, solve disputes peacefully, and pursue their futures as equal, sovereign nations.

Our diplomacy is grounded in partnership and mutual respect. We don’t expect every country to view China exactly as we do. We understand that many, including the U.S., have strong economic and cultural ties with China that they want to maintain. Our goal isn’t to force anyone to choose sides. It’s to ensure countries have choices, so they aren’t left with only one option, like unclear investment deals that bring debt, fuel corruption, damage the environment, create few local jobs, and undermine national sovereignty. Many countries have told us they regret accepting such offers.

At every stage, we work closely with partners, listening to their views, respecting their priorities, and finding solutions tailored to their needs.

More countries are recognizing the need to deal with China more realistically. Many have learned from experience that China can respond harshly to decisions it doesn’t like. For example, when Australia called for an independent COVID-19 investigation last year, China blocked student and tourist travel and slapped an 80% tariff on Australian barley. In another case, Chinese Coast Guard ships used water cannons to block a Philippine resupply mission in the South China Sea. These actions are a warning to others about how China can retaliate.

Human rights are another area where we and our partners stand together.

The U.S. is united with countries around the world in speaking out against genocide and crimes against humanity in Xinjiang, where more than a million people have been held in detention due to their ethnicity and religion.

We also support the people of Tibet, who continue to face repression of their language, religion, and culture. And we stand with the people of Hong Kong, where the Chinese Communist Party has imposed strict anti-democratic laws under the excuse of national security.

China claims these are internal matters and shouldn’t be discussed by others. But that’s not right. Its treatment of ethnic and religious minorities in Xinjiang and Tibet, and its broader actions, break with the principles in the UN Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

China’s crackdown in Hong Kong also goes against its promises, which are part of an international treaty filed with the UN.

We’ll keep raising these concerns and pushing for change, not as an attack on China, but in support of human dignity, safety, and peace.

This leads to the third part of our strategy. Thanks to our renewed investments at home and more substantial alignment with allies, we’re in a better position to compete with China in key areas.

China wants to be at the center of global innovation and production. It aims to make other countries dependent on its tech and use that reliance to advance its political goals. Beijing is taking full advantage of open economies to gather intelligence, steal ideas, and advance its military and surveillance tools.

So while we work with allies to lead the next generation of innovation, we’ll also protect our advantages and national security.

We’re updating our tools to defend our tech leadership. That includes more rigid export controls to keep key technologies out of the wrong hands, stronger protections for research, better cybersecurity, tighter safeguards on sensitive data, and more thorough investment screening. These steps will help shield our companies and infrastructure from China's efforts to access critical tech, control supply chains, or dominate strategic sectors.

We believe – and expect businesses to understand – that entering the Chinese market shouldn’t mean giving up our core values or competitive edge. Companies must grow responsibly, consider risks, and partner with us to protect national interests.

For too long, Chinese firms have had easier access to our markets than we’ve had to theirs. In the U.S., people are free to read China Daily or use WeChat. However, in China, access to outlets like The New York Times or Twitter is blocked unless it’s government agents spreading propaganda. U.S. companies doing business in China often face forced tech transfers, while Chinese firms in America enjoy full legal protections. Chinese filmmakers can show their movies freely in U.S. theaters, but U.S. films entering China are tightly restricted and censored. Chinese companies aren’t afraid to take their complaints to American courts, but foreign companies in China don’t have that same freedom.

This one-sided situation is neither fair nor sustainable.

Take steel, for example. Beijing encouraged overproduction by its state-backed steel makers, flooding global markets with a cheap supply. These companies don’t need to turn a profit – when they’re in trouble, they just get more government loans. They also save money by ignoring environmental and labor protections. As a result, China now produces over half the world’s steel, pushing U.S. companies and many others out of the market.

We’ve seen this pattern with solar panels, electric vehicle batteries, and other key industries of the future. We can’t let our economies become entirely dependent on one country in these vital areas.

This kind of economic manipulation has cost millions of American jobs and hurt workers across the globe. We’ll push back against China’s unfair policies – like subsidies and market restrictions – that distort trade. We’ll build stronger supply chains by bringing manufacturing back home or sourcing from reliable partners for things like medicine and essential minerals. We’ll stand firm against economic bullying and make sure U.S. businesses don’t benefit from or contribute to human rights abuses like forced labor.

Put simply, we’ll use every tool to advocate for American workers and industries, just like our partners do for theirs.

The U.S. isn’t looking to cut China off from our economy or the global market. However, even as Beijing talks about cooperation, it is moving to reduce its reliance on others while increasing the world’s dependence on China. We support trade and investment when they’re fair and don’t put our national security at risk. China has enormous economic resources and a highly skilled workforce. We believe in our workers and companies and welcome the competition, as long as it’s on equal terms.

So, while we oppose unfair economic and tech practices, we’ll also aim to maintain strong economic and people-to-people ties with China in ways that match our values and interests. Beijing might not change course, but if it takes meaningful steps to fix the issues we and many other nations have raised, we’ll respond in kind.

Rivalry doesn’t have to mean conflict. We don’t want that and’ll do everything possible to avoid it. But we won’t hesitate to defend our interests if they’re threatened.

To that end, President Biden has directed the Defense Department to view China as the primary strategic challenge and keep our military ahead. We’re committed to preserving peace with a new concept called “integrated deterrence.” That means working with allies and partners across all areas – nuclear, conventional, space, and information – and using our combined strength in economics, tech, and diplomacy.

We’re shifting our military focus away from outdated systems built for the 20th century to more innovative, mobile, and harder-to-detect technologies. We're updating how we operate, diversifying where we’re based, protecting our key infrastructure, and expanding our space capabilities. We’ll also help regional partners develop their cutting-edge defense tools.

We will continue challenging China’s aggressive and unlawful actions in the South and East China Seas. Nearly six years ago, an international tribunal ruled that China’s claims in the South China Sea have no legal basis. We’ll keep supporting coastal nations in defending their maritime rights. And we’ll stand with our allies to ensure freedom of navigation and overflight, which have been critical to the region’s success for decades. We’ll keep operating in any international waters and airspace permitted by law.

On Taiwan, our stance remains unchanged, as it has across both Republican and Democratic administrations. As President Biden has said, our policy has not shifted. The U.S. stays committed to the “one China” policy, based on the Taiwan Relations Act, the three Joint Communiques, and the Six Assurances. We oppose any side making unilateral moves to change the status quo. We don’t support Taiwan independence. We believe differences should be resolved peacefully.

We remain firmly committed to peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait. As outlined in the Taiwan Relations Act, we will keep helping Taiwan maintain enough self-defense capabilities and our capacity to resist force or coercion that could threaten Taiwan’s security or way of life. We have a strong, unofficial relationship with Taiwan – a thriving democracy and major regional economy. We’ll keep working together on shared goals and values, and support Taiwan’s meaningful involvement in the global community while following our one China policy.

Though our policy hasn’t changed, Beijing’s actions have. It has stepped up efforts to isolate Taiwan globally and block its participation in international groups. Chinese military aircraft now fly near Taiwan almost daily. These escalations are destabilizing. They raise the risk of mistakes and threaten peace and security in the region. As we’ve seen from President Biden’s talks with Indo-Pacific leaders, maintaining peace in the Taiwan Strait isn’t just crucial to the U.S. – it’s a global concern, tied to both regional stability and world prosperity.

As President Biden often says, the only thing worse than a planned conflict is one no one intended. That’s why we’re managing this relationship carefully to avoid such a mistake. We’re prioritizing clear communication and risk-reduction with Beijing. And we’re committed to intense diplomacy, even as we compete fiercely.

At the same time, we’ll work with China where our interests align. We won’t let serious disagreements stop us from progressing on issues where cooperation is essential – for our countries and the world.

Climate change is a prime example. For years, the U.S. and China were at odds on this issue – holding back global action – but also had moments of real progress. In 2013, a joint climate initiative between our countries helped spur the Paris Agreement. At COP26, the U.S. and China renewed their partnership with the Glasgow Joint Declaration to tackle emissions from methane and coal.

Climate isn’t about politics. It’s about numbers. Without China's full involvement, there’s no realistic way to fix the climate crisis – it produces 28% of global emissions. The International Energy Agency says if China waits until 2030 to peak emissions, the rest of the world would need to cut theirs to zero by 2035 – and that’s just not feasible.

About 20 countries are responsible for 80% of emissions. China is number one, the U.S. is number two. Without faster, bolder action from all of us, the human and economic costs will be devastating. However, competing in clean energy and climate policy can benefit everyone.

Progress between the U.S. and China, including work under the Glasgow Declaration’s climate group, is essential to stopping the worst effects of this crisis. We urge China to move faster in these joint efforts.

The same goes for the fight against COVID-19. Our futures are linked. We feel deeply for the Chinese people as they face this latest outbreak. We know the pain of this virus all too well. That’s why we strongly believe in a global push to vaccinate the world, not in return for favors, but because no country is safe until all are safe. All nations must also commit to sharing data, samples, and access to experts to manage new threats and prevent future pandemics.

On nuclear issues, we share a common interest in upholding the rules and treaties that reduce the threat of weapons of mass destruction. China and the U.S. must keep working together, and with others, to address the nuclear ambitions of Iran and North Korea. We’re also ready to talk directly with Beijing about our responsibilities as atomic powers.

To combat illegal drug trafficking – especially the synthetic opioids like fentanyl that killed over 100,000 Americans last year – we want to work with China to cut off the supply of chemical ingredients, many of which start there.

With a growing global food crisis, we’re looking to China, which has made significant agricultural advances, to help lead the worldwide response. Last week, we brought together foreign ministers at the UN to strengthen food security and invited China to join. We’ll keep extending that invitation.

As the world recovers from COVID-19’s economic fallout, coordination between the U.S. and China is crucial – through the G20, the IMF, and directly – because we are the two largest economies on Earth.

Simply put, we’ll work with China wherever we can – not as a favor, and never by compromising our values, but because the world’s most significant problems require the world’s most considerable powers to step up. No country should block progress on global challenges just because of political differences.

The scale of the challenge China presents will test U.S. diplomacy like never before. I’m committed to giving our diplomats the tools they need to meet that challenge, as part of modernizing the State Department. That includes building “China House”, a department-wide team coordinating our policy across regions and issues, in partnership with Congress. I also want to thank the team at our embassy in Beijing and our consulates across China, led by Ambassador Nick Burns. Even under tough COVID lockdowns, they’ve dedicatedly done their jobs. We’re proud of their work.

I’ve never been more confident in the strength and mission of American diplomacy, or more certain that we’re ready to face the challenges of this defining decade. To the American people: let’s double down on our strengths – our people, our democracy, our creativity. As President Biden says, “It’s never a good bet to bet against America.” Let’s bet on ourselves and win the future.

To the countries of the world who believe in an open, safe, and prosperous future: let’s work together to defend the values that make progress possible and protect every nation’s right to shape its future.

And to the people of China: we’ll compete with confidence; we’ll cooperate when we can; and we’ll push back when necessary. But we’re not looking for conflict.

There’s no reason why our two great nations can’t live peacefully side by side and contribute to human progress together. Ultimately, that’s what this is all about: moving humanity forward and leaving a safer, more successful, and freer world for the next generation.